Occupational Wellbeing Among Female Academics ; the Influence of Family-Work Interface


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Occupational Wellbeing Among Female Academics; the Influence of Family-Work Interface is a well-researched topic, it can be used as a guide or framework for your Academic Research.


There has been a plethora of research on work-life and work-family
balance in Nigeria and across the globe, however, there is still much
to learn of the intersection between people’s work and non-work life.
This study examines the influence of the work-family interface on
the occupational and general wellbeing of women in academia. A
descriptive survey research design was adopted, with a researcher-
designed set of questionnaires of reliability co-efficient of 0.72
obtained through Cronbach alpha methods. A stratified random
sampling technique was adopted in selecting 220 participants from
two tertiary institutions in Ibadan, Nigeria out of which 181 were
used for data analysis. Frequency Count, Standard Deviation,
Pearson Product Moment Correlation and Rank Order were used for
data analysis. Findings revealed that the work-family interface
significantly correlates with, and influences both occupational and
general wellbeing of female lecturers. It was suggested that efforts
should be geared towards ensuring that work-family balance policy
options (such as job sharing, compressed working hours, self-
rostering, telecommuting, flexi-time, child-care assistance, and so
forth) are made for women academics. Such policies should
prioritize work flexibility for female academics.


In traditional African society, work activities were carried out
simultaneously with domestic activities at home. It was purely an
agricultural system where the family was a unit of production and
productions were made purposely for family consumption (Fajana,
2006: 10; Googins, 1991). In those days, and to an extent presently
in some rural areas, labor services were rendered on family
agricultural farms and no wages were paid. Extra farm labor was
seldom hired and in such cases, payments were made in kind,
rather than cash, i.e., in terms of food, clothing, and shelter (Fajana,
2006). There was a division of labor as the father hunted for animals,
the mother gathered fruits and vegetables, while the children
handled house chores like sweeping, cooking, and sometimes fetched
water with the mother. The employer was the father and family head
and was, at his discretion, all-in-all as he determined the reward
system, recruitment, selection, promotion, and not necessarily based
on merit or seniority. He provided food, housing, and security for all
the employees (mostly family members) and even determined when
they would get married and to whom (Iwuji, cited in George,
Owoyemi & Onokala, 2012).

However, with the advent of the industrial revolution and the ensued
technological advancement, people left agricultural and family
business for paid employment in factories that were located outside
the home. Clark (2000: 748), posits that the more industrialized the
the market economy became, the more workplaces were created outside
the home and the more organizations, other than families, were in
charge of productions. This physical and temporary separation
between work and family, lives pose several challenges to modern
day employees. Since work and family are now in different domains
or spheres which influence each other, certain changes in nature
of work and society have now emerged and increased the burden
and responsibilities which are placed upon individuals both at work
and at home. The work-family dichotomy also leads to a number of
anomalies which, according to Brief and Nord, cited in Clark (2000)
include; increase in divorce rates, leading to a high number of single
parents; growing female participation in the labor force; more part-
time work; increased labor mobility, which distances them from
social supports of nuclear and extended families; changing employee
expectations indicating greater interest in quality of life outside
work; and growing social value placed on the fathers’ involvement in
the home [p.249].

Resultantly, one of the issues at the front burner in today’s business
world and among researchers in business and organizational
behavior is finding a balance between work and family life
(Anafarta, 2011: 168; Fapohunda, 2014: 72) such that work-life
conflicts can be managed if not eliminated totally. This is why there
has been a plethora of research on work-life and work-family
balance in Nigeria (see Adisa, Mordi & Mordi, 2014; Akanji, 2013;
Amazue, & Ugwu, 2014; Fapohunda, 2014) and a substantial
amount of studies of the same concern have been done across the globe,
(see Ahmed, Muddasar & Perviaz, 2012; Anafarta, 2011; Arif, &
Farooqi, 2014; Shujat, Cheema & Bhutto, 2011; among others).
However, there is still much to understand about the intersection
between people’s work and non-work life. Specifically, a scanty
number of studies have been targeted at investigating female
employees whose domestic responsibilities seem weightier than of
male counterparts. This study thus builds on work-family border
theory (Clark, 2000: 751) to examine how female lecturers address
the changing nature of their work and family commitments
throughout their life course and how such interface influences their
wellbeing, both at work and in general.


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Adult Education

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